The Bangkok Post in an editorial:
The Barack Obama presidency starts what it promises will be a new foreign policy era this week. Top officials and envoys are off to Europe and South Asia. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton begins her term with a trip to Asia that brings mixed reactions. On one hand, Mrs Clinton is clearly showing how important this region has become. On the other, the decision to visit Indonesia but ignore close US friends and allies is confusing.
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The recognition that Asia is the continent of the 21st century is welcome. The former administration led by George W Bush was frequently distracted from this reality. Mr Obama has promised not to be so disordered by the war on terrorism that he ignores the positive sides of US foreign policy. As the wife of President Bill Clinton - the couple visited Thailand in 1996 - and then as a hard-working senator, Mrs Clinton is familiar with Asia.
Her travel itinerary for the next eight days puts her in Tokyo today, Jakarta on Wednesday, Seoul on Thursday and Beijing on Friday. Her pre-trip speech last week made it clear she thinks the US-Asian partnership is vital. In Northeast Asia, the economy and North Korea are likely to dominate Mrs Clinton's conversations. Despite severe misgivings by Japan and South Korea, she is likely to insist on the continuation of the gentler Bush policies of trying to disarm North Korea through the six-party talks. In Beijing, Mrs Clinton will find that severe economic problems are hobbling Chinese efforts to lead that effort.
On Wednesday and Thursday, Mrs Clinton's VIP aircraft will travel 10,000 kilometres from Tokyo to Seoul via Jakarta. In each direction she will pass close to Thai air space. The US has no urgent issues with Indonesia, which has one of the world's best records against terrorism. Presumably she will press Mr Obama's message to Muslims, in his first interview as president with the Al-Arabiya news channel, that "Americans are not your enemy". This is a thoughtful message to usher in what most of the world hopes is less confrontation and more cooperation by Washington.
But here in Thailand, it is nearly a month into the Obama presidency without a word from the new government in Washington. Since the US election last November, Thai exports to the US have slumped because of the recession. The business community grows increasingly worried that the new administration is determined to press protectionist measures. The ill-timed "Buy American" campaign is part and parcel of renewed calls for the US to pressure its friends and trading partners on labour issues, intellectual property piracy and the environment. Mrs Clinton will be specifically pushing this week for more action on global warming.
Mr Obama, who confused Thailand with Taiwan during a campaign speech last year in his only mention of our country, will visit Indonesia later this year. That seems natural - literally a homecoming for the US president. Plus, Indonesia as the world's most populous Muslim nation, is a key to his attempt to foster better relations with Islamic countries. Still, his return to the country where he attended primary school is mostly political campaigning, with little policy substance.
Many in Thailand, which has 175 years of rock-solid support and harmony with the US, feel the new leadership in Washington is turning its back on an old friend. Singaporeans and Filipinos have said much the same. The new administration maintains it truly wants to focus on our region. It is important to include wary countries like Indonesia in the dialogue. But it is vital not to ignore old and trusted friends.
NOTE: Clinton had a bilateral meeting with the Filipino President in Washington a week or so ago so not sure whether the Filipinos have missed out.
The Nation has an editorial on the trip and they are just pleased Hillary is going to Asia first and it makes no mention of the Thailand “snub”.
From a quick glance of the US media and foreign policy watchers, the focus has been more on the North Asia aspect (see Foreign Policy, WP, NYT) with little commentary on Clinton visiting Indonesia and not going to Thailand.
Nevertheless, BP is not surprised about the “snub” to Thailand and the visit to Indonesia. A few days ago, Clinton made some remarks to the “U.S. and Asia: Two Transatlantic and Transpacific Powers”. The excerpt which refers to Thailand:
Indonesia is one of Asia’s most dynamic nations, where human energy and aspiration combine to help lead the country to a free and fair system of elections, a free press, a robust civil society, and a prominent role for women in the Indonesian Government. We will support Indonesia and other countries in the region that are actively promoting shared values. And we look forward to working with our other partners and friends in the regions, allies like Thailand and the Philippines, along with Singapore, Malaysia, and Vietnam, to ensure that ASEAN can live up to its charter, to demonstrate the region’s capacity for leadership on economic, political, human rights, and social issues.
BP: Notice the focus on Indonesia and the group that Thailand is lumped into? Before it would have been Thailand instead of Indonesia. Things have changed as Walter Lohman of Heritage Foundation notes:
So where exactly does Indonesia fit in?
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Indonesia is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations's (ASEAN) indispensable member. With Indonesia, ASEAN has a population of 575 million. Without it, the association is 40 percent smaller. With Indonesia, ASEAN's GDP is about $1.2 trillion. Without it, its GDP is only two-thirds that figure. Indonesia's 17,000 islands stretch over three time zones and more than 40 percent of ASEAN's land area. Without Indonesia, ASEAN is mostly packed together on land along China's south.
As China's gravitational pull grows, only Indonesia has the critical mass necessary to anchor ASEAN in an independent and outward-looking orientation. The combination of the remainder of ASEAN nations is too disparate in political outlook and interest to provide the balance. Without Indonesia at its center, there is no ASEAN. And without ASEAN, each country in southeast Asia would be forced to fend for itself in the face of China's meteoric rise.
For several years following the collapse of the Suharto regime in 1998, Indonesia took a break from regional leadership to deal with political revolution and economic tumult. When Indonesia returned as a regional leader, it did so with a democratic government.
And anyone who does not think that makes a difference in Indonesian foreign policy is not watching carefully enough. Concern in Jakarta about the strength of ASEAN's commitment to "promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms" has led Indonesians to question the value of ASEAN membership. In the debate over the ASEAN charter last year, the Indonesian House of Representatives went so far as to virtually condition its approval of the charter on progress toward this goal.
Geopolitics in Asia is overlaid with the pattern states cut relative to their governing systems. America's five treaty allies are all democracies: Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines. While a security "alliance" with Indonesia is not feasible, a closer U.S.-Indonesia "strategic partnership" clearly is. When he was in Washington this past fall, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called for the creation of such a partnership. Clinton has indicated that the United States is ready to take him up on the idea. She is right to do so.
The U.S. should be able to strike a deal more closely aligned with Indonesia's values than Indonesia's "partnership" with China. Consider, for example, Burma. Despite their massive influence in Burma, the Chinese have done nothing to help bring about justice in that nation. The Indonesians, by contrast, have emerged as the leading voice on the issue within ASEAN. The U.S. and Indonesia should explore what they can do together to pressure the Burmese junta to release political prisoners and move toward democracy. If Indonesia can nudge ASEAN toward activism on Burma, the Chinese will be hard pressed not to follow. The Chinese have, in fact, acknowledged as much.
Crispin also had a good article on the Thai-US relationship on Friday:
When a Thai court last year refused to turn over an Iranian national United States authorities claimed was part of a missile parts smuggling operation, it marked the first-ever failed extradition between the two long-time strategic allies. The Thais ruled that because the suspect was an active Iranian military official, he was exempt under their bilateral extradition treaty with the US.
The two sides are now wrestling again over the extradition of Viktor Bout, the alleged Russian arms dealer nabbed last year in a US Drug Enforcement Agency sting operation in Bangkok. While the Americans claim Bout has conspired to kill US citizens, the Thais have allowed the judicial review to drag for months and initially appointed an inexperienced judge to preside over the hearings. The Thai prosecutor meanwhile has failed to introduce lines of questioning recommended by the US Embassy and Foreign Ministry officials have told their US counterparts they must also consider bilateral ties with Russia in handling the case.
Thailand's lack of cooperation on such key US security issues marks a significant departure for the bilateral relationship, signaling to some that Washington is slowly but surely losing influence over its long time strategic ally. It was only five years ago that the US granted Thailand major non-North Atlantic Treaty Organization treaty status, a military reward for Bangkok's cooperation in Washington's "war on terror" campaign, including the capture outside of Bangkok of key al-Qaeda suspect Riduan Isamuddin, better known as Hambali.
Thai and US officials now acknowledge the relationship has drifted, due to diverging strategic interests and mounting trade tensions over intellectual property protection issues and the failed negotiation of a bilateral free-trade agreement (FTA) that Thai officials feel retrospectively was being foisted on them. Thailand's new willingness to confront the US on core strategic and trade issues heralds a potentially important shift from a US-dominated unipolar era to a new China-inclusive bipolar regional balance of power.
The US has lost substantial regional ground to China, which has leveraged soft power initiatives and economic integration into hard power gains, including unprecedented joint naval and later this year special forces operations with Thailand. The US maintains substantial military, intelligence and law enforcement ties with Thailand, including the annual Cobra Gold joint military exercises, but some analysts now contend that's led to an over-securitization of the relationship.
Meanwhile, US-Thai economic ties have hit a new nadir, stemming from a US Trade Representative Office's decision in 2007 to put Thailand on its "priority watch list" of the world's worst intellectual property offenders. The downgrade was a reaction to the Thai government's use of so-called compulsory licensing to produce and distribute cheaper generic versions of drugs - including HIV/AIDS and cancer medicines - on which US pharmaceutical companies hold patents. The tussle, both US and Thai officials acknowledge, has undermined "trust" in bilateral economic ties.
Beyond business, it's also clear that Thailand fails to share the US's threat perception of China's rapid regional rise. Thai foreign policy wonks point to the fact that China acceded in 2003 to the Association of Southeast Asian Nation's (ASEAN) treaty of amity and cooperation while the US five years later still refuses to sign on. One Bangkok-based Chinese diplomat says that any US attempt to contain China would be neither "realistic" nor "pragmatic" because of its growing economic integration with the region, and that any such move would have "no support" from Thailand or other regional countries.
That assessment, however, is probably only half right. Bangkok's Institute of Security and International Studies (ISIS) director Thitinan Pongsudhirak sees a peninsular-versus-mainland dichotomy emerging in Southeast Asia, with mainland states falling under Beijing's sway and island nations (including coastal Vietnam) insecure about China's rise in the strategic league with the US. With Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar now firmly in China's orbit, Thailand, with feet in both camps, is thus key to Beijing's mainland consolidation.
Emma Chanlett-Avery, a US Congressional Research Service specialist, views US-Thai ties as a "legacy alliance" without a "sustaining strategic dialogue". She says that the US defense establishment wonders whether Thailand could be trusted as a treaty ally if a conflict with China ever erupted. One telling test of that allegiance could come from a US request - as part of the Pentagon's ongoing transformation and realignment initiatives - to relocate strategic assets from Northeast Asia to Thai military facilities, a potential proposal that China would no doubt resist.
It is thus no doubt significant that new US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton chose to visit Indonesia and sidestep Thailand during her first trip to Southeast Asia. Some in Bangkok see a Thai snub in Clinton's travel schedule, where the US's top diplomat visits the region and leaves just a week before Thailand plays host to the ASEAN annual summit meeting - an event past US secretaries have attended. While some commentators have pointed to the symbolism of Clinton's Indonesia visit, in light of President Barack Obama's time there as a youth, others view it as the first overture towards forging a new strategic relationship with the island nation.
Military experts say securing new maritime bases outside of Northeast Asia would give the US 7th Fleet significant new naval forward projection capabilities vis-a-vis China, particularly for the US's ability in a potential conflict to blockade the nearby Strait of Malacca, where its estimated 70%-80% of China's imported fuel now flows. Indonesia, which has competing maritime claims with China including in oil and gas rich areas, is believed to view warily China's fast improving naval capabilities.
Still it's not clear that the US intends any time soon to downgrade its strategic commitment to Thailand. US diplomats and Thai Foreign Ministry officials speak to the need to "refresh" rather than radically overhaul the relationship. But if Obama's gambit to recast US diplomacy towards countries with (supposed) shared democratic values, then Indonesia's fast-emerging democracy arguably better meets those criteria than Thailand's backslide to military-influenced politics and a gathering crackdown on free expression, in the name of upholding a monarchy.
Obama's announcement that he would shutter all the secret prisons the George W Bush administration established in allied countries to detain and interrogate captured terror suspects spoke directly to Thailand and its complicity in the controversial policy. A US Embassy official in Bangkok previously admitted such a facility once existed in Thailand, but that it was closed down after The Washington Post exposed it and in later reporting revealed the torture techniques used against terror suspects there.
The US's intimate ties to elite and influential retired Thai military officials, long-time relationships often forged in the conflicts of the Cold War era, has arguably compromised Washington's ability to genuinely promote democracy and human rights in Thailand. Those foreign policy objectives were under Bush subordinated to strategic concerns, which often cross-cut democracy promotion initiatives - as the US's secret prison policy demonstrated.
There is a nagging suspicion among some Thai observers that the US gave the wink to the military coupmakers who in 2006 toppled Thaksin Shinawatra's democratically elected and, perceived by some in Washington, a China-leaning government. The Thai military has since become a prominent force in politics and there are mounting concerns the top brass might suspend democracy altogether to ensure a smooth royal succession after King Bhumibol Adulyadej eventually passes from the scene.
Whether the US would be willing to downgrade its strategic commitment to Thailand in such an eventuality would be an important test of Obama's proclaimed democratic commitment. One US participant at a recent ISIS event held in Thailand stressed the importance of US access to Thailand's U-Tapao air base, the only facility in Southeast Asia capable of supporting large-scale logistical operations, was "impossible to underestimate" to its military interests.
The US has made liberal use of those Thai facilities to land and refuel aircraft traveling across the Pacific on their way to military campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan. Thus some believe the patron-client dependency dynamic that characterized US-Thai ties during the Cold War, when Washington showered Bangkok with desperately needed military and economic assistance, has shifted in the new bipolar regional order. Says one former Thai ambassador: "The US is simply less important to us than it was in the past."
BP: On the US Embassy’s knowledge of the coup, from what BP hears they warned the military against staging a coup. The realpolitik response of the US accepting the coup once it happened was more to stop any decoration of relations/possible any further influence from China.
Crispin’s point about Indonesia being a better fit for a democracy than Thailand is to BP correct – see Clinton’s glowing description of Indonesia above. The relationship probably won’t change too much under Obama - anFTA seems unlikely given the problems in Detroit – and it will just meander along.
Nevertheless, having said all that, Clinton may still visit Thailand if The Times (UK) is correct:
In Indonesia, where Mr Obama lived between the age of 6 and 10, Mrs Clinton will announce that she will attend a South-East Asian summit this summer, an event that the Bush Administration often skipped.
(UPDATE: As just about to post see this AP article:
Mrs Clinton will also pledge to attend the group's annual foreign ministers meeting in Thailand this year, US officials said)
Finally, and simply as found out when googling, Senator Webb (D-VA), who is the new Chairman of the Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs was recently asked in an interview about Southeast Asia (yes, yes, he is not part of the Obama Administration, but he is still the Chairman of the relevant Senate committee):
First of all, there is an evolution in Southeast Asia toward foliating through ASEAN and addressing problems in the region or through the community nations that are there. We need to be more actively involved in encouraging and working with the ASEAN environment.
The most immediate, specific threat that we have right now is sorting out the impact of this world economic crisis. Each one of the countries that I was in has already been impacted by the downturn in world economy. Singapore really exists economically by its relationship to world trade -- import and export. They have the largest container shipping port in the world. They're right on the Strait of Malaka. When exports or imports decline, Singapore starts having problems. One thing I heard in Vietnam over and over again -- Vietnam is sort of at the tail end of the world economy -- and when retail businesses start drying up the employment situation in South Vietnam shrinks. A little bit of the same with Thailand. Thailand has political difficulties right now, but I have a real trust in the Thai people. They've been around, been doing this for a long time.
BP: Yeah, not so relevant, but given his position still thought it was worth pointing out – at least he doesn’t confuse Thailand with Taiwan.